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domenica 8 marzo 2015

L'Unione Europea verso il blocco navale delle coste libiche e la esternalizzazione del diritto di asilo. Le Nazioni Unite approvano. Malgrado la propaganda, la fortezza Europa si chiude sempre di più e si prepara a trattare con i dittatori.

BRUSSELS (AP) — The European Union is weighing whether to send immigration officers abroad to assess the needs of would-be migrants as increasing numbers of people try to reach the EU illegally.
EU migration spokeswoman Natasha Bertaud said Friday that "the plan is perhaps to have immigration officers in some countries."
The officers could establish what legal avenues of migration might be open for some people and whether they need urgent help.
Bertaud said the EU is considering a test phase in Niger "to look at people who need protecting immediately."


The EU's executive Commission outlined this week a new strategy to tackle migration as thousands continue to make the perilous voyage across the Mediterranean in search of a better life. Part of the strategy is to improve legal ways for people to come to Europe.EU migration chief Dimitris Avramopoulos said Wednesday that some asylum seekers could be in a position to apply for asylum while they are still in their country of origin.
More than 276,000 migrants entered the EU illegally last year, and conflict-torn Libya is the major jumping off point for people aiming to reach southern Europe.
Italy, which is on the forefront of the migration wave, is concerned that extremists might be slipping into the country along with migrants.
"Libya is going to be the key element in managing migration," EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini told reporters in Riga, Latvia.
Mogherini said the first priority is to have a stable Libyan authority to discuss migration issues with, and for it to then sign up to the Geneva refugee convention.
"If that is not dealt with, not only in the refugee camps but also in the hosting communities, there is going to be a bomb ready to explode in terms of social and also security challenges," she warned.
Casert reported from Riga, Latvia.

 EU considers bigger naval presence to tackle Libya security issues


Le proposte di esternalizzazione del diritto di asilo si legano alla disponibilità dichiarata da rappresentanti dell'Unione Europea pronti alla trattativa con i dittatori dei paesi di origine dei richiedenti asilo.


Brussels plans migration centres outside EU to process asylum applications

The European commission is planning to establish immigrant-processing centres outside the EU for the first time, in a radical policy departure aimed at stemming the movement of hundreds of thousands of people across the Mediterranean.
Struggling to draft coherent immigration strategies at a time when the issue has become one of the most toxic in the politics of many EU countries, the European commission announced it was fast-tracking a policy paper on migration.
Dimitris Avramopoulos, the commissioner in charge of home affairs including migration policy, said Brussels wanted to use EU offices and embassies in third “countries of origin” to process applications for asylum and refugee status before the migrants reach Europe. The aim would be to reduce the numbers of migrants illegally landing on EU shores.
The new policy is strongly supported by Italy, which is on the front line of what has become one of the world’s most perilous migration routes, the Mediterranean. Of the 270,000 migrants who arrived illegally in the EU last year – 1.5 times more than the previous year – 220,000 came via the Maghreb and across the Mediterranean, according to Frontex, the EU’s external borders agency.
More than 3,500 drowned attempting the crossing. Another 1,000 arrived in Sicily this week after being rescued, including 10 who drowned.
While EU governments view the influx as a crisis, migration professionals argue that the figures are a lot less dramatic than commonly portrayed by politicians.
“We do not consider the caseload of arrivals to the EU as a huge or overwhelming number because the EU can, if managed properly, handle this,” said Anna Eva Radicetti, a policy expert at the International Organisation for Migration’s European office. “We should not view this as a crisis in terms of numbers of migrants arriving to Europe, and Europe should not respond with a crisis mode.”
The United Nations High Commission for Refugees points out that 84% of forcibly displaced people globally are in developing countries.
But the idea of introducing migrant-processing offices in key transit countries such as Niger, Egypt, Turkey or Lebanon is gaining traction in the EU. France is also a strong supporter of such a scheme, while the German interior minister, Thomas de Maizière, is said to be pushing for EU facilities in countries such as Egypt. Small EU member states disproportionately affected by the flow of migrants, such as Malta, are keen on the idea.
The commission has previously resisted pressure on the issue from national governments in the EU. Avramopoulos’s statement represents a U-turn. While there is growing support in certain EU capitals, there is also very strong opposition in other countries to a proposal that would entail shouldering the refugee burden more equitably across Europe. Migration experts say that, of the 28 members of the EU, 18 have small immigrant communities and few are keen to see that change.
“This is an enormous step. It means a common European asylum system is getting closer,” said Elizabeth Collett, director for Europe of the Migration Policy Institute. “But there will be lots of unintended consequences. It throws up lots of big questions, legally, technically and practically.”
A fundamental problem is that there is no European policy on immigration, with national governments jealously guarding their powers over admission and asylum procedures. Anti-immigrant and anti-EU right-wing parties are making electoral gains from Sweden to France, and there is little stomach among mainstream ruling parties to “Europeanise” immigration policies.
Matteo Salvini, the leader of Italy’s anti-immigrant Northern League, blamed the Italian government for the arrival of 1,000 in Sicily this week, accusing it of corruption and being in cahoots with the traffickers dispatching migrants from Libya.
“Another 10 deaths and 900 illegal immigrants ready to land,” Salvini said. “Pockets are full and hands are dirty with blood in Rome and Brussels. Stop the departures, stop the deaths, stop the invasion.” He said the Italian authorities were making things worse by encouraging human traffickers.
The same argument is made by the British government, which refuses to take part in Mediterranean search-and-rescue missions on the grounds that the operations are a “pull factor”, encouraging migrants to risk their lives at sea in the hope that they will be saved if in trouble.
The commission policy paper, expected in May, will argue that the third-country processing centres are but one of a gamut of proposals aimed at reducing illegal immigration and creating legal channels for migrants.
Britain flatly rejects that argument, with the government declaring that it is against creating more “legal paths”. The government views this as “inconceivable in the current climate” and the home secretary, Theresa May, has told EU interior ministers that “the idea of making it easier for legal routes to stop illegal routes is completely the wrong way”.
Denmark, the country with the tightest immigration regime in the EU, would also oppose the commission plans, and last week Viktor Orbán, the nationalist prime minister of Hungary, said multiculturalism in the EU was a “delusion”.
“The Hungarian man is, by nature, politically incorrect. That is, he has not lost his common sense,” Orban said. “He does not want to see throngs of people pouring into his country from other cultures who are incapable of adapting and are a threat to public safety, to his job and to his livelihood.”
Since the beginning of the year at least 20,000 migrants have left Kosovo in the Balkans and gone to Germany, mainly crossing from Serbia into Hungary and into the EU. Orban said the Kosovo influx risked turning Hungary into “a big refugee camp”. Last month, 1,400 Kosovars were arriving in Germany daily.
Under EU rules, refugee and asylum applications need to be registered in the country where a migrant enters the EU, but Berlin has been refusing to send the Kosovars back to Hungary because the reception conditions are said to be so wretched.
While migration professionals say that EU processing centres abroad could only be used as a complementary instrument in dealing with refugee flows and not as an alternative to existing procedures within the EU, the proposal raises big issues about capacity and expertise. EU offices abroad do not have the staff to cope with large numbers of applicants, nor does the commission have a large cadre of immigration officers and asylum specialists.
It is not clear whether a refugee would still be able to lodge an application in Europe if he or she has already had a request rejected in a third country.
For the system to work and to decide where successful applicants are going, there would need to be a new, agreed system of burden-sharing or a “distribution key” for taking in migrants in the 28 member states. Experts being consulted on the commission proposals say there is discreet discussion of a distribution key, but there is high scepticism about whether agreement will be reached.
The EU would also need to strike bilateral agreements with the governments of countries hosting the new application centres. These countries could become magnets for regional migrant flows with the refugees reluctant to return to their native countries after having an EU application rejected.
“You would need Faustian bargains with third countries. It is unlikely, say, that Egypt would play,” said Collett. “There would need to be an enormous amount in it for them.”
The attempted shakeup of migration policy was triggered in the first place by the Lampedusa tragedy 18 months ago, when 366 people drowned off the coast of Italy’s southernmost island.
The response in Brussels was to declare that EU frontier search-and-rescue patrols would be introduced, spanning the Mediterranean from Lebanon to Gibraltar. In fact, what happened was that the Italians ditched their relatively successful Mare Nostrum patrols, arguing they were being left to foot the bill for the rest of Europe. This was replaced by an EU operation one-third the size called Triton, mandated to patrol no further than 30 miles from Italy’s coast.
in Brussels

Ricevo ed inoltro da Claire Rodier


"Contrairement à ce qui est dit dans l'article du Guardian, ce n'est pas la première fois que la Commission européenne pense à installer des centres de traitement des procédures d'asile hors des frontières de l'UE : voir ci-après pour rappel ; voir aussi sur le site de Migreurop La délocalisation du traitement de l’asile et les centres d’accueil de réfugiés hors de l’UE (2005) et Quelques textes sur l’externalisation de l’asile.

Pour rappel

En 2001, la Commission a commandé une étude sur « l’examen des demandes d’asile à l’extérieur de l’Union » (Étude de faisabilité réalisée par le Danish center for human rights et le Danish refugee council). Cette étude remise en décembre 2002 recommande que les États membres envisagent des « modes d’entrées protégées »qui soient « complémentaires » des régimes d’asile existants.
En 2003, la Commission a publié une communication sur la politique commune d’asile ,(Vers une procédure d’asile commune et un statut uniforme, valide dans toute l’Union, pour les personnes obtenant l’asile, COM(2000)755 final). Selon elle, « la crise du système d’asile est de plus en plus évidente et un malaise grandissant est ressenti par l’opinion publique ». Elle cite « un gonflement des flux composés à la fois de personnes ayant légitimement besoin d’une protection internationale et de migrants utilisant les voies et les procédures d’asile pour accéder au territoire des États membres » ; « ce phénomène constitue une menace réelle pour l’institution de l’asile ».Il apparaît nécessaire d’envisager de « mieux investir les importants moyens humains et financiers » et, parmi les objectifs, figure « la consolidation de l’offre de protection dans la région d’origine ».
Cette communication de 2003 était une réponse à un projet de Tony Blair, alors premier ministre UK, de février 2003, intitulé UK New Vision for refugees, et à une une correspondance officielle de Tony Blair à Costas Simitis, (à l’époque président grec en exercice de l’Union Européenne) intitulée New international approches to asylum processing and protection du 10 mars 2003 en v.o. et en traduction française"

Sembrano sempre più concrete intanto le prospettive di un blocco navale da parte di navi ed aerei inviati dall'Unione Europea ( non si comprende bene da quali stati e con quale ruolo degli Stati Uniti e delle forze NATO pure presenti nell'area), mentre procedono a fatica le trattative di pace tra il governo di Tobruk, riconosciuto dalla comunità internazionale, ed il governo di Tripoli, in un clima di fortissima tensione e di grave instabilità interna. 



Una proposta, quella del blocco navale, che sembrerebbe fatta propria anche dalle Nazioni Unite, su una linea che riprende le posizioni più becere della Lega Nord.








Intanto si pensa di nuovo a rinforzare le missioni di Frontex, come se non avesse già fatto abbastanza danno, come ad esempio in Grecia, alla frontiera dell'Evros. Della missione TRITON nel Canale di Sicilia si può dire davvero poco. Sono comparsi sui media solo per attribuirsi il merito dei salvataggi della Guardia Costiera italiana, oppure per diffondere inutile allarmismo, secondo loro un milione di migranti in arrivo dalla Libia. In realtà per i mezzi di Frontex, sempre e solo lotta contro l'"immigrazione illegale."



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Un blog perché la cronaca quotidiana non diventi assuefazione, per contrastare la rimozione di problemi che sono prodotto di scelte politiche e di prassi amministrative che si nascondono dietro le retoriche dell'emergenza e della sicurezza. Prima di Lampedusa, prima dello sbarco, cronache di viaggi che spesso terminano in tragedie, poi notizie raccolte nei luoghi di sbarco e di accoglienza, dove si diffonde la detenzione informale e dove i diritti fondamentali dei migranti vengono compressi da una discrezionalità che si sottrae a qualsiasi controllo giurisdizionale, infine testimonianze di viaggio verso altri paesi, per trovare quel futuro e quella dignità che lItalia non garantisce più. E dunque fatti, persone, non numeri o dati, un racconto quotidiano che diventa memoria, ma anche impulso per modificare, in Italia ed in Europa, il quadro legislativo e le procedure applicate.

Diritti sotto sequestro